Beijing to host Olympics January 2, 2002
OPINION
China's ready to move to centrestage
By
Frank Ching
THE year 2001 has been a good one for China. It won the right to host
the 2008 Olympics, which should lift the country's status; after 15
arduous years of negotiations, it finally joined the World Trade
Organization, which will provide momentum for more economic reforms;
and, despite the US spy plane incident in April, China-US relations have
returned to an even keel, with the Bush administration no longer terming
China a strategic competitor but a partner in the war against terrorism.
Indeed, the negative
publicity arising from
China's handling of
the Falungong
movement was one
of the few discordant
notes during the year.
The year also saw
China assuming a
more active role in
foreign affairs. The
late paramount
leader Deng
Xiaoping had crafted
a foreign policy
strategy to deal with
a post-Tiananmen
massacre world that was largely hostile. Mr Deng's strategy was for
China to assume a low profile. He admonished his successors 'not to
carry the flag' of international Communism (after the demise of the Soviet
Union) and 'never to take the lead' in world affairs.
These ideas have guided Chinese foreign policy for most of the last
decade. Recently, however, China has adopted a more assertive stance.
At its initiative, Beijing and Moscow signed a friendship treaty in
mid-year that in some respects is similar to a military alliance. Again,
largely at Beijing's initiative, China, Russia and four Central Asia
countries - Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan - jointly
created a regional security organisation, the Shanghai Cooperation
Organisation, to facilitate development of economic relations among
them and also to combat terrorism, separatism and religious extremism.
In the aftermath of the terrorist attack on the US, China took the unusual
step of contacting by telephone other major countries, including all other
permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, to make
known its position on the war on terrorism. China improved its relations
with Asean members, with both sides agreeing to Beijing's suggestion to
set up a free trade area.
These are signs of a greater willingness on the part of China to assume
responsibility in international affairs and a greater ability to discharge
such responsibilities.
China has also made known its intention to act in other areas. Despite its
security concerns, it has decided to simplify entry and exit procedures.
By 2005, for example, Chinese citizens in large and medium-sized cities
who want to go abroad will be able to get a passport merely by
presenting their identity cards and household registration certificates to
the authorities instead of having to go through complicated formalities.
Entry and exit procedures for foreigners will also be simplified.
These decisions reflect a new sense of confidence on China's part.
Perhaps for the first time in history, it sees itself playing the role of a
respected and responsible member of the international community. If all
goes well, a new China will emerge, different both from the imperial
China of the past when it considered itself the centre of civilisation, and
disdainful of the outside world. Similarly, it will have forever shed its
image of being the sick man of Asia, unable to resist aggression either by
Western powers or by Japan.
Such attitudinal changes take place slowly, both within China's own
psyche and in foreign perceptions of China, and will entail a process
lasting many years. But it is one that should be extremely positive for the
world.
With Japan still becalmed in the economic doldrums, China has
increasingly moved to centre stage. Because of China's initial prosperity,
it is now besieged by countries far and near to buy its products.
While China's military power will undoubtedly grow in tandem with the
economy, it is still reticent about flexing its military muscles beyond its
borders. A recent case was its reluctance to take part in the international
force being assembled for Afghanistan.
Despite Deng's strictures not to 'carry the flag' or to 'take the lead',
China today appears ready, if necessary, to take a more prominent
stance than any other country on certain issues. For example, Beijing is
more vocal in opposing Washington's decision to scrap the 1972
Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty than Moscow, even though Beijing is not a
treaty partner. From Beijing's standpoint, it has the potential to seriously
affect its security.
China's view of the world in the coming year is generally positive.
Foreign Minister Tang Jiaxuan, in a year-end interview with the official
Xinhua News Agency, said optimistically that 'relations between big
countries are turning from tension to relaxation', reflecting China's
improving relations with virtually all the world's major countries. And
while there will be many challenges, especially in the economic field,
China believes that opportunities far outweigh the challenges.